II. Meşrutiyet (1908-1918) ve dönemin temel aktörü Osmanlı İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti Cumhuriyet’e geçişte pek çok siyasi kurum, örgüt ve deneyim için bir laboratuar sağlamıştı. Modern siyasi kurumlar, çok partili hayat ve hatta etnik unsurlar arası birliği sürdürme denemeleri bu dönemde uygulamaya kondu. Siyasi kurum ve kadrolar, sağ-sol yönelimlerin sınırları, milliyetçilikteki dışlayıcı çizgilerin temel doğrultusu o dönemde belirginleşti. Bu deneyim olumlu ve olumsuz sonuçları ile Cumhuriyet’e aktarıldı.

Erken Cumhuriyet ile kastedilen 1923-50 arası yıllar, Cumhuriyet’in kurucusu Atatürk ile sonrası Milli Şef dönemlerine ayrılabilir. Aynı dönemi ülke içi siyaset ve dünya ile ilişkileri çok etkilediği için, 1929 krizi ile de ayırmak ve II. Dünya Savaşı sonuna kadar uzatmak mümkün görünüyor.

Mete Çetik’in çeşitli özgün yazı ve kitap eleştirilerinin derlendiği bu kitapta, II. Meşrutiyet döneminin genel siyasi ortamı, Makedon hareketi liderleri, İttihatçıların siyasi tiyatro etkinlikleri gibi başlıklar konu edilerek, farklı açılardan ele alınmaya çalışılıyor.

Erken Cumhuriyet dönemi üzerine ise, genel siyasi ortam, milliyetçilik, ırkçılık, Soğuk Savaş, üniversite tasfiyeleri ve Atatürk’ü konu eden özgün yazı ve kitap eleştirileri yer alıyor.

Economic cybercrime is one of the unwelcomed consequences of unprecedented intrusion of the Internet in our daily lives. Academic interest in understanding the causes and adverse impacts of cybercrime is growing. Opportunity perspective, which perceives individuals’ daily routines and lifestyles as the primary facilitator of victimization, has been widely applied as a theoretical and conceptual framework in cybercrime victimization research. However, this approach put the responsibility of the victimization on victims explicitly, which hampers the application of crime prevention and reduction efforts. This book presents the Contextual Vulnerabilities approach based on the significant findings of a doctoral study conducted at Durham University in the United Kingdom. Contextual vulnerabilities approach posits that cybercrime victimization is the outcome of the confluence of contextual factors that are mostly beyond victims’ control. This approach presumes that controlling individual (micro-level), macro-level and socio-cultural vulnerabilities may prevent cybercrime victimization. Though the preliminary goal of this book is to provide a new theoretical perspective to scholars researching victimization in cyberspace, I hope the wider audience would find it informative.

Adam Smith, with “An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations” published in 1776 is unanimously hailed as the founder of economics as a social science and also of “economic liberalism” or “capitalism” as it is called to contrast it with “socialism”, the latter propagated by K. Marx at a later date.

The group of economists that followed A.Smith, including such notable names as D.Ricardo, N.W.Senior, John Stuart Mill, culminating in Alfred Marshall (1890: Principles of Economics) is called the “Classical School” or alternately the “Manchester School” to refer to their place of origin. Their macroeconomic system is called the “Classical System”. Having accepted the Malthusian law of population (T.Robert Malthus: 1798 Essays on the Principle of Population) D. Ricardo had come up with a model in which growth eventually comes to a halt, moving to that point, however, all along at full employment equilibrium.This was also in line with the views of Adam Smith. Marshall had introduced the concept of elasticities and used the partial method of analysis. In contrast, Leon Walras, in his “Eléments d’Economie Pure ou Theorie de La Richesse Sociale” used the general equilibrium approach to prove that the economy arrives automatically to full employment equilibrium, following Adam Smith and the Classical School.

This book offers a summary of the basic views and conclusions of Adam Smith concerning economic regime, as is also followed by the rest of the members of the Classical School: In a milieu of perfect competition prevailing in all the markets or sectors of the economy, including the labor market, full employment equilibrium will be achieved automatically. This equilibrium will, therefore, also maximize the welfare of the workers because the market wage rate, with no intrusions from the government or the unions, will have ensured full employment. Hence, there is no need for interventionism, that is, for the state to intervene prices, wages, channeling of investments and economic decisions in general.

During the 19th century, British diplomacy towards the Ottoman Empire was based on rejuvenating and revitalising the administration system with a series of social and political reforms. Although British attitudes began to transform during the Near Eastern Crisis of 1876-8 and the Anglo-Ottoman alliance was interrupted, the policy changed dramatically on the eve of the First World War.Nonetheless, major events such as the Chanak Crisis in the British Cabinet, the occupation of Constantinople and Smyrna and finally the Turkish Nationalist Movementunder the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk effected the dynamics of Anglo-Ottoman relations. This book examines the ground of these policies and analyses how thisstorm was over in British foreign policies towards Turkey between 1918 and 1923.