Bu kitap Türkiye’de daha önce çok fazla çalışılmamış olan askeri kültür konusunu farklı boyutlarıyla ele almakta ve Türk siyasal hayatındaki önemli dönüm noktalarını askeri kültürdeki değişimlerle açıklamaktadır. Bu bağlamda bu kitap Türk askeri kültürünü, devrimcilik, gardiyanlık ve apolitikleşme olarak üç farklı dönemde ele almakta, söz konusu yaklaşımı teorik bir düzene oturtmak için pozitif-demokratik, negatif-demokratik, pozitif-antidemokratik, negatif- antidemokratik ve değişken modeller olmak üzere 5 ayrı model içerisinde incelemektedir.

Underlying all these questions of right is the question how they are to be secured and maintained. By enforcing the responsibility of the executive and legislature to the community as a whole? Such is the general answer, and it indicates one of the lines of connection between the general theory of liberty and the doctrine of universal suffrage and the sovereignty of the people. The answer, however, does not meet all the possibilities of the case. The people as a whole might be careless of their rights and incapable of managing them. They might be set on the conquest of others, the expropriation of the rich, or on any form of collective tyranny or folly. It is perfectly possible that from the point of view of general liberty and social progress a limited franchise might give better results than one that is more extended. Even in this country it is a tenable view that the extension of the suffrage in 1884 tended for some years to arrest the development of liberty in various directions. On what theory does the principle of popular sovereignty rest, and within what limits does it hold good? Is it a part of the general principles of liberty and equality, or are other ideas involved? These are among the questions which we shall have to examine.

1. T. HOBHOUSE – 1911